TUNKU Abdul Rahman Putra couldn’t have picked a better time to announce his grand aspiration. Describing it as a “balloon coming down to earth”, his announcement during the Foreign Correspondents of South East Asia luncheon on May 27, 1961, took everyone by surprise.
Tunku, being the guest of honour at the annual event, began his keynote speech casually and peppered it with his trademark jokes which soon had his audience in stitches. Then, out of the blue, he caught everyone off guard, saying: “Sooner or later Malaya should have an understanding with Britain and the peoples of Singapore, North Borneo and Sarawak. It’s premature for me to say now how this closer understanding can be brought about, but it’s inevitable that we should look ahead to this objective and think of a plan whereby these territories can be brought closer together in political and economic cooperation.”
The words resonated throughout the Adelphi Hotel ballroom in Singapore, sending shockwaves in their wake. The journalists who were enjoying their meal just seconds before could hardly believe their ears. It took a few more seconds for the full gravity of the speech to sink in before the hall erupted in a thunder of astounded applause.
When making for the door, Tunku was rather amused to see correspondents from distinguished publications diving for copies of his speech. It didn’t cross many minds that fateful Saturday afternoon that Tunku would make such a discreet yet public reference to the merger that would eventually lead to the formation of Malaysia.
EARLY DAYS
Looking up from Stewart Tay’s album page, I couldn’t help marvelling at the sheer depth of research that he’d carried out on his pet subject. “Collecting items related to the formation of Malaysia helps me to understand the events that led up to the momentous 1963 merger. Our Father of Independence was indeed a visionary. He truly understood the needs and challenges faced by Malaya’s neighbours at that time,” begins Tay, one of the few collectors I know who has a deep interest not only in Merdeka but also on the broader coalition formed some six years after Malaya became independent.
Putting the second loose leaf album page in front of me, I note that it’s filled with photographs and newspaper cuttings that recount the spellbinding tale of how Tunku, together with the other leaders, worked tirelessly to make Malaysia a reality.
The plan was initially to have Singapore, Sarawak, Sabah and Brunei in the union. These states had a lot in common with Malaya, from the days before the Japanese Occupation. All had strong economic links with Britain and had Westminster-type administrations. Together with Malaya, their orientation towards London set them apart from other neighbours.
All of Indo-China had links with Paris while Indonesia and the Philippines leaned towards The Hague and Washington, respectively. Only Thailand had managed to maintain its sovereignty throughout its history.
According to Tay, informal whispers about the merger happened even before Malaya became independent. Lim Yew Hock, who became Singapore’s Chief Minister in 1956, had often expressed his eagerness to join Malaya. Lim’s enthusiasm was soon echoed by Lee Kwan Yew after the People’s Action Party (PAP) Secretary General emerged victorious in the 1959 elections. The PAP won 43 out of 51 seats in the Legislature.
Then, without warning, Tay pauses. Looking as if he’s trying desperately to recall something, I take a peek at the paper in his hands. On it is a postcard-size photograph depicting a group of people celebrating what appears to be an election win.
Moments later, Tay confides in a low voice: “Many people were puzzled by Tunku’s sudden merger announcement at the Adelphi Hotel. They felt that he was trying to speed up the merger process.” Pointing to the black and white photograph, he adds: “I think this may be the reason.”
CHANGE IN THE WIND
I listen with intrigue as Tay explains PAP’s sudden change of fortunes. The Hong Lim by elections on March 11, 1961 was the first test for the ruling party after its landslide victory less than two years before. Hong Lim constituency was a PAP stronghold and yet the right wing opposition candidate won convincingly.
“Tunku must have taken this as a sign of trouble in Singapore and decided to speed up the merger in order to prevent the city state from falling to the extremists,” Tay speculates.
At that same time, Lee declared that independence for Singapore was impossible without merger with Malaya. He warned that Singapore would turn into a Communist State should it decide to seek independence on its own and the domino effect from that would have serious repercussions on the stability of the entire region.
Lee’s warning came in the aftermath of a break-up in PAP where many left-wing extremist party members left to form a new opposition party, the Barisan Socialis. Being a farsighted and pragmatic leader, Lee could foresee Singapore having a lot of security problems further down the road. He was certain that a merger with Malaya would help him solve that problem permanently.
A Straits Times newspaper cutting catches my eye as I approach the halfway mark on the pile. The yellowing parchment dated June 4, 1961 reported Singapore’s pledge for Tunku’s “Mighty Malaysia” plan if it meant a faster, easier merger with the Federation.
Lee made that declaration while addressing a vast National Day Rally at the Padang. Those present erupted in cheers when Lee said: “By the ties of sentiment as well as of business, we in Singapore have always been close to the Federation. If merger and independence can come sooner and easier through the Borneo Territories joining us in political integration, then we support it, for it would mean that we should have a large and more powerful economic base for our new nation.”
MERGER PLANS UNDERWAY
The remainder of Tay’s collection concentrates on the response from Sabah, Sarawak and Brunei. Judging from the first few pages in this section, the three territories from across the South China Sea were less responsive to Tunku’s grand plan.
Right from the start, Sarawak’s Parti Negara issued a statement urging Tunku to use his influence to urge Brunei to have a closer association with Sarawak and Sabah as it preferred to have the three Borneo states join Malaysia as a single unit rather than as three separate entities. Undeterred, Tunku began working the ground, meeting up with key leaders from Borneo in an attempt to shore up support for his merger plans.
Tunku first met Tun Datu Mustapha Datu Harun when he attended the 1958 ECAFE Conference in Kuala Lumpur with members of the Sabah delegation including Donald Stephens. During that meeting, Mustapha voiced, among others, his support for a union with Malaya and sought Tunku’s views on forming a political party in Sabah as a step towards the merger. Mustapha, being a keen and progressive leader, felt that Sabah’s destiny was inseparable from that of the other Malay states in the Peninsula.
Patinggi Tuanku Haji Bujang, Patinggi Haji Abdul Rahman, together with Temenggong Jugah in Sarawak, were just as keen as their Sabah counterparts when it came to fostering closer ties with Malaya.
The people of the state that would become the largest in Malaysia in terms of size, were generally receptive to Tunku’s idea. The right-wing Chinese elements were reluctant, on the grounds that they were better off under the British. At the same time, the communist elements in Sarawak were wary as the Malayan Communist Party uprising was successfully subdued.
Tunku went to England on Nov 1, 1961 and held talks with the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan. They agreed on the principle of merger and for the United Kingdom to retain bases at Singapore for the purpose of assisting in the defence of Malaysia and the preservation of peace in Southeast Asia.
The Cobbold Commission was appointed to sound out the views of the people of Sabah and Sarawak on Malaysia. Brunei, being a British Protectorate, wasn’t directly included in this inquiry officially, although the views of Sultan Omar Saifuddin were also sought.
APPRECIATION OF HISTORY
The last few pages of Tay’s collection discuss the external opposition to Malaysia.
Tunku’s greatest challenge came in the form of President Soekarno who reacted in an astoundingly hostile manner. Amidst sabre rattling across the Java Sea, the Indonesian president charged that Malaysia was a neo-colonialist creation designed to impose on the people without reference to their expressed wishes.
Realising that a war would bring ruination to a newly-emerging country, Tunku did his utmost best to make peace with Soekarno. Despite those efforts, armed hostility towards Malaysia began in April 1963. The Confrontation only officially ended in August 1966.
Despite the unresolved challenges, Tunku made his way to Stadium Merdeka on Sept 16, 1963 and joined 30,000 people in celebrating the birth of a new nation, Malaysia.
Tay’s wonderful collection has helped make me appreciate the trials and tribulations faced by our leaders in order to make the Malaysian dream a reality. Today, it’s up to all of us Malaysians to set aside our differences and work together as one to continue building on the solid foundations our founding fathers have selflessly set for us.
Happy Malaysia Day!