‘RULERS call meeting over A-G impasse.’ This headline which appeared on the front page of the newspapers recently caught the attention of millions of concerned Malaysians. Like them, I was also equally perturbed by the accompanying report stating that the Keeper of the Rulers’ Seal, Tan Sri Syed Danial Syed Ahmad, had already sent out the invitation letters to the Malay Sultans
The stalemate regarding the appointment of the new Attorney General was indeed a serious matter and many were worried that a protracted disagreement between Putrajaya and Istana Negara would hurt the new government’s plans to put our nation back on even keel.
Fortunately though, the potential crisis was defused overnight when the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Sultan Muhammad V gave his consent for the appointment of veteran lawyer and constitutional expert Tommy Thomas to the important judicial post.
By the next morning, many Malaysians throughout the country were relieved to learn about that wonderful turn of events. While the planned meeting of the Malay Rulers at Istana Negara was duly cancelled, the outcome of this episode piqued my interest, enough to want to learn more about the early history of the Conference of Rulers. So off to the public library I headed to conduct some research.
THE BEGINNINGS
Sifting through the large collection of related books, it quickly becomes obvious that the ancestors of today’s Malay Rulers were once absolute monarchs who wielded full legislative, executive and judicial powers. With the assistance of various categories of titular officials, the monarchs ran their kingdoms according to their own policies and laws.
In the 14th century Melaka Sultanate, these officials were headed by the Ben¬dahara, the equivalent of our modern day Prime Minister. It was the highest-ranking office that could be held by any commoner in Melaka at that time.
Directly below the Bendahara came the Penghulu Bendahari (state treasurer), Temenggong (chief of police and state security) and Laksamana (head of the navy). The lowest rung of this nobility structure comprised the four Shahbandars (harbour masters), one for each of the main trading groups doing business at the port.
Looking at the wealth of literature available, it’s clear that the Portuguese and Dutch occupations of Melaka in the 16th and 17th centuries had little impact on this traditional structure. However, things began to change with the arrival of the British, starting with Captain Francis Light’s establishment of a colony in Penang on July 17, 1786.
Despite their continued presence in the Malay Archipelago, it took the British a further 88 years to gain a proper foot¬hold in the affairs of the Malay states. That turning point happened with the signing of the Pangkor Treaty between Perak’s Raja Abdullah and the Governor of the Straits Settlements, Sir Andrew Clarke on board HMS Pluto on Jan 20, 1874.
SPREAD OF BRITISH INFLUENCE
From that time onwards, British influence began to spread rapidly across the Malay peninsula. The Malay Sultans, despite still remaining sovereign Rulers, were obliged by treaty to accept the advice of either the Resident or Advisor appointed to them on all matters except those pertaining to the Islamic religion as well as Malay customs and welfare.
Even before the British managed to accomplish absolute political control throughout the peninsula, they’d already begun consolidating their administrative position by means of merging the states that were already in their grasp.
The union of the four centrally located Malay states on July 1, 1896 led to the birth of the Federated Malay States (FMS). Under this new hierarchy, Sultan Abdul Samad (Selangor), Sultan Idris Murshidul ‘Adzam Shah (Perak), Yamtuan Tuanku Muhammad Shah (Negri Sembilan) and Sultan Ahmad Mu’adzam Shah (Pahang) were presided over by the powerful British Resident General.
Also during that time, it was decided that there should be a meeting to serve as a platform for the Rulers to discuss matters as well as enable the British to ascertain problems faced by the Malay states. However, the scheduled gathering had to be put on hold due to Sultan Abdul Samad’s poor health.
The four Rulers finally met, a little more than a year later, at the first Durbar Conference held at Kuala Kangsar’s Istana Negara. The Perak Royal Town was given the honour of hosting the Conference as the British had high regards for Sultan Idris. The monarch’s opinions were often sought before important policies were made. That inaugural meeting lasted for four days, starting from July 13, 1897.
THE FIRST DURBAR CONFERENCE
This particular piece of information gets me excited. The first Durbar Conference must surely be the earliest form of our modern day Conference of Rulers which was created under Article 38 of the Malaysian Constitution on Aug 27, 1957.
Representing the British were Sir Charles Mitchell (Governor of the Straits Settlements and FMS High Commissioner), Frank Swettenham (first FMS Resident General), Hugh Clifford (British Resident of Pahang), J.P. Rodger (British Resident of Selangor) and W.H. Treacher (British Resident of Perak). Negri Sembilan wasn’t represented as its Resident, Martin Lister passed away in February that same year.
Beyond the pomp and splendour however, the inaugural Durbar was strictly advisory in nature and bore little administrative importance. The matters discussed were limited and formed merely one item in a programme that consisted primarily of fish-drives, water sports, bangsawan (Malay theatricals), picnics at waterfalls, fireworks display and various other forms of entertainment.
Despite calling the Durbar a resounding success for everyone involved, Swettenham himself later went on to say that it was, however, not advisable to hold such meet¬ings too frequently. As a result, there was a lapse of six years before the second Confer¬ence was convened.
MORE MEANINGFUL SECOND OUTING
The second Durbar was held in July 1903 at the Federal capital, Kuala Lumpur. Surprisingly, it turned out to be a more meaningful event than most quarters had expected. The Malay Rulers gained widespread respect and admiration when they stood up to air quite a number of grievances during the course of the meetings.
Sultan Idris argued for the appointment of more Malays to the civil service while Tuanku Muhammad proposed that Malay rather than English should be the official language of the FMS. The latter supported his point by saying that Malay was the most widely used as it was the language of the common people as well as the ruling classes.
In the ensuing years, the British began taking concrete steps to strengthen the position of the FMS government. In 1909, a move initiated by Swettenham’s successor, Sir John Anderson, led to the formation of the Federal Council.
At that time, the Council was presided by Anderson in his capacity as the British High Commissioner. As membership also included those of the four Sultans, no Durbar could be held until 1927 when the Council underwent a major revamp.
In 1919, the British finally succeeded in coercing Terengganu, the last of the Malay states, into accepting a British Advisor. With that, the stage was then set for the amalgamation of all the states. In order to achieve this, the British made the decision to recon¬stitute the Federal Council in 1927 and assured the Rulers in the Unfederated Malay States (UMS) that their powers would remain intact after the merger.
The four Rulers from the FMS subsequently withdrew from the Council and four Malay representatives (one from each state) were appointed in their place. This opened a clear path for the resuscitation of the Durbar. The third edition was once again held in Kuala Kangsar in August 1927.
Three years later, the fourth Durbar was held in Singapore in October 1930. This was the first time in history that the Conference was held at a venue outside the FMS. The meet was also marked by another first when the Sultans from the UMS were invited to attend.
The British High Commissioner at that time, Sir Cecil Clementi campaigned vigorously to effect administrative reforms and for the decentralisation of the FMS. His vision for a united Malaya and the delegation of more powers back to the Malay Sultans were announced at the fifth Durbar held at Negri Sembilan’s Sri Menanti on August 18, 1931.
While the news won Clementi the confidence of the Sultans and gave importance to the Durbar as a means for the Rulers to be more vocal and assertive in promoting their concern over the future of the Malays, he had inadvertently antagonised the bureaucracy as well as the wealthy business community.
Within four year, Clementi was recalled to England and his post was filled by Sir Shenton Thomas. It was during this new Thomas administration that Clementi’s vision of decentralisation finally came into fruition.
Two Durbars were held before the outbreak of the Second World War. One was in 1937 while Klang played host to the last meet held two years later on November 25, 1939.
CONFERENCE OF RULERS
The Conference of Rulers gained significant importance after the end of the Japanese Occupation and the subsequent return of the British in 1945. On Feb 18, 1948 King George VI sent a congratulatory greeting to the Conference on the successful conclusion of its first meeting held after the war.
As many as 50 meetings were held from that time onwards until Malaya achieved Independence in 1957. Among the notable resolutions made were the establishment of the Rulers’ Scholarship Fund and the use of Malay as the Federation’s official language.
The first Conference of Rulers after Merdeka was held on July 2, 1958. The meeting, conducted at Istana Negara, approved the formation of the Islamic Affairs Department for Melaka and Pen¬ang. Also resolved was the emergence of the Federal Land Development Authority (Felda) to help improve the lives of rural farmers and their families.
The Conference of Rulers today plays an intimate role of linking the Federal Government with those who represent the different states that make up Malaysia. Its meetings, attended by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Prime Minister on behalf of the Federal Government as well as all the Sultans and Yang di-Pertua Negeri and their respective Menteri Besar or Chief Minister, provide a valuable avenue to discuss in private mat¬ters of common concern.
As I return the reference books to their rightful place, I couldn’t help mulling over the thought of just how much things have changed as far as the Conference is concerned. Although initially introduced only to serve as an advisory body, the Durbar has successfully evolved into an indispensable modern institution that underscores the authoritative voice of the Malay Rulers. In that sense, the Conference has crystallised the Sultans’ collective capacity as guardians of all the people who call this country home.