PRIME Minister Narendra Modi won handsomely the recently concluded mammoth general election in India.
With nearly 900 million voters casting their electronic ballots, voting was staggered over six weeks and seven rounds.
On May 23, the ballots were counted in a matter of hours! Such was the logistically intimidating feat of the largest democracy.
The phased voting was necessary given the enormity of the exercise. For example, some one million polling stations were in extremely remote and hard-to-reach locations.
A roving team of election officials, bolstered up by an army of police and paramilitary forces drawn from states other than the state they had been assigned, supervised polling stations. They ensured that the elections were free and fair.
We can draw five lessons from India’s general election. These lessons can educate us on what beckons as we head to the polls in 2023, or earlier.
First, India ensures free and fair elections through electronic voting. That has made the tampering or stealing of ballot boxes a thing of the past. Despite the phased voting, election officials ensured that news of polling in one area did not influence polling in another. There were no exit polls until all had voted.
Second, the Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP, won a rare second term with a sizable majority in the Parliament’s lower house. The last such feat was by Indira Gandhi in 1971. Although India has posted a commendable growth of 6.6 per cent, the economy was flagging and jobs growth sluggish. And despite being five years in power, the PJB had not lived up to its manifesto.
But neither the economy nor the unfulfilled promises that was the clincher. Rather, it was the charisma of Modi himself. The BJP portrayed him as the guardian of India’s grandeur and individual dignity. The terror attack in February and Modi’s quick retaliation also helped. That grandstanding cast Modi as a national hero. It ignited a nation-wide nationalistic fervour that trumped any misgivings about the prime minister.
In his campaign trail Modi trained his guns at the opposition. The May 23 issue of The Economist quotes one count that suggests that Modi spent half his campaign disparaging the Congress. His welfare reforms also took centre-stage in his campaign.
Modi has allocated massive funds for affordable homes. He has provided micro-credit to small entrepreneurs in a country where nearly half are self- employed. In caring for the people at the poorer end of the socio-economic spectrum, Modi was able to connect with millions of voters. They became convinced that a refreshing change was in the offing.
Third, BJP won based on partisan politics. Championing Hindu nationalism, it drove a polarizing campaign. With 80 per cent of the nation being Hindus, the BJP won hands down. Its campaign must be contrasted against that of the main opposition – the Congress party.
Although the latter’s campaign was commendably more inclusive, it was no match to the swirling tide of religious and nationalistic zeal. Further, Congress was also unable to forge cross-party alliances in three-cornered fights.
Fourth, raking in 93 per cent of all campaign donations, BJP had a war-chest and a well-oiled party machine that were an envy of its opponents. These were especially significant in campaigning on the ground. While billboards and mini- lorries mounted with loudspeakers blaring campaign messages were the mainstay in the battle for the masses, the fight was equally waged on social media.
Fifth, with the help of state-owned enterprises, the government managed to put the lid on rising fuel prices and cost of living.
What does India’s general election portend for our government at the ballot box? To win the next election, the Pakatan Harapan, or PH, must have a charismatic leader in the likes of Dr. Mahathir or Modi. The PH must also have a well-funded and well-oiled party machine to work the ground, especially in the rural areas.
Social media will increasingly gain prominence as a vehicle of campaign as more young people become voters. Anti-PH cyber-troopers and bots can bring about grim consequences, if fake news are not curbed.
The election commission and the multi-media and communications ministry have a role here. They would need to get social-media firms to regulate content in their platforms so that false news and those that violate election rules do not see the light of day. But it will be a Sisyphean task given the voluminous propaganda that social media can generate. Eventually, it will be the voters who will have to decide on the merits of these postings.
The fulfilment of the PH manifesto will not be as much an issue as the cost of living among the electorate unless an effective remedy is found – either by bringing down prices of essential items or by increasing the incomes, especially of those in the bottom of the income pile.
For the young, the economy, wages and employment will be front-burners. The government must not let up on its vision of making the country roar again.
The lame opposition might rejuvenate through hoary partisan politics. This rabble rousing based on race and religion might tip the apple cart for the government. The government must therefore have a convincing narrative to call the opposition’s bluff.
The writer is a professor at the Putra Business School, Universiti Putra Malaysia