MALAYSIA'S exploration activities in the South China Sea (SCS) with the West Capella drillship — contracted by state-owned Petronas — is being challenged by China's Haiyang Dizhi 8.
It is conducting geological survey in Malaysia's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) with the protection of the escort flotilla. Malaysia is shadowing this encroachment with a small presence of Navy, Air Force and Coast Guard assets.
The drama is also being shadowed by naval vessels from other nations. Malaysia is avoiding any aggressive moves as this is a sovereign rights issue with neighbours in which Malaysia has considerable experience. Let us examine this situation.
FIRSTLY, whilst sovereignty and sovereign rights may be the subject on the SCS, lives and livelihood were the priority. The Covid-19 pandemic poses a number of challenges for Malaysia, especially to stop the virus and reduce contact through the Movement Control Order (MCO). The MCO was more pronounced on land whilst the air and sea entry points were closed.
The seamless waterways, undulating and porous coastlines were no easy tasks to close. In carrying out the MCO, the government need also to be wary of a the threat of a failed economy due to business closures during the pandemic. These placed enormous pressure on the government to lift the MCO sooner than the situation may dictate.
The initial restrictions on land were not successful with the use of law enforcement agencies only. There was a need to call in the defence forces to fully implement the MCO. The government remained firm with its priorities and security entities eventually worked to ensure the strict compliance of movement controls.
The closing of the sea borders were also unpopular as the refugee crisis erupted and Malaysia was under pressure to open them. Again, as unpopular a decision as it may seem, the government needed to balance priorities and weigh available options to address the prevailing threats.
SECONDLY, the SCS is the strategic bridge that allows for a Malaysian Federation. Domestic offshore oil and gas installations are here, a primary economic artery for the nation while the sea is home to a rich marine biodiversity and a plethora of resorts, which contribute to the food, revenue and human security needs for the nation.
Malaysia has been consistent and clear with her policies on the SCS since the 1980s to protect this interest. The foresight that threats will come from the northern approaches resulted in Malaysia developing five offshore military stations.
I had the privilege to command two of these stations. In safeguarding her maritime interests, Malaysia has not opted on security options alone.
Unlike the Straits of Malacca and the Sulu Celebes Sea, where non-state actors constitute security challenges, it was relatively easy to address these issues through regional security options. In contrast, when a challenge comes from State actors, a combination of options will be necessary to achieve long term sustainable goals consistent with her foreign policies.
THIRDLY, on the security front, Malaysia is a friend to all. Naval ships from China, surveillance systems from the United States, law enforcement vessels from Japan and Australia encompass some of the inventory. Malaysia has to address gaps in maritime security.
Malaysia has not needed military or trade pacts to safeguard her interests. At a time when getting out of the pandemic and closing maritime borders from unwelcomed influx are of priority, the SCS issue is being weighed with utmost consideration.
The watery abode of HMS Prince of Wales and HMS Repulse are grave reminders of a superpower rivalry in the SCS. In today's context, it is favourable for powers to be stewards or shepherds of peace for the global community flock.
There is no need for developing nations to indulge in an arms race. A bleak economic future is looming.
It is best to work towards amicable resolve in the SCS. Even if there is a need for States to employ their military, coast guard and other vessels there, maintaining social distances at sea and safeguarding from any action may have far reaching consequences.
For now, Malaysia views the vast South China Sea as a boon. Others too should follow through, to view it as a sea of prosperity and not adversity.
The writer is a senior fellow and centre head for the Centre for Maritime Security and Diplomacy (CMSD) at the Maritime Institute of Malaysia (MIMA). MIMA is the national maritime policy think tank under the Ministry of Transport.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect those of the New Straits Times