THE Umno-Pas pact, formalised yesterday after the inking of its charter, could be seen as a major breakthrough, as well as a certain game-changer. Under the present circumstances, especially after Barisan Nasional’s utter defeat in last year’s 14th General Election, the Umno-Pas political nexus is a rejuvenation of sorts. Dark clouds appear to have dissipated.
Alas, the tone and realities of Malay politics have actually changed despite the shrill rhetoric.
During the post-1978 BN-Pas break-up, Umno and Pas had a stranglehold on Malay politics for 10 years. Parti Melayu Semangat 46 (S46) entered the fray in 1988 and its alliance with Pas exacted a government change in Kelantan in 1990. Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, who led S46, and his supporters returned to Umno six years later, and S46 was disbanded.
In 1999, Parti Keadilan Nasional was born. Its merger with Parti Rakyat Malaysia led to the birth of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR). That PKR as a multi-racial party survived for more than 20 years and is now a member of the new ruling coalition has been a jolt.
2008 did not witness the birth of a new Malay party, but it ushered in a lasting change. The ideals and workings of a two-party system shocked the traditional state craft with BN losing five states and the vaunted two-thirds majority. Umno then did not actively woo Pas although avoiding straight fights would have been a massive boost for Umno-BN.
This, however, changed in the aftermath of the 2013 general election. Despite a new Umno leadership, it failed to precipitate a bigger win. Surreptitiously, Pas and Umno started sounding out each other. Based on the status quo, splitting the opposition votes would have handed BN-Umno wins last year. But circumstances changed profoundly. Additionally, Bersatu or Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia, led by Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, came along.
Umno-Pas proponents are saying the pact is a fillip to garner Malay support in the 2023 general election. The strategy, they say, is to focus on what is important to the ummah — canvassing support from the majority Malays. Umno and Pas would certainly command a sizeable percentage of the Malay electorate even with Bersatu and the Malay support base of PKR in the equation.
However, the four million 18-year-old voters and those automatically registered in the electoral roll could upset the equilibrium. The young voters may even eschew race-based politics.
The other significant change is the cementing of a two-party system. MCA and MIC, as part of BN, are unlikely to rock the boat. On paper, this should herald an exciting political era if the parties do serious work on policy fronts. As a nation, we are banking on the youngest voters to force the politicians to tone down. Shrill versus sober. It is our fervent hope that rational heads would prevail. As it is, even Umno supporters are leery of the “return” of Datuk Seri Najib Razak and Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi.
PH personalities tossing words at Umno-Pas would do well to focus on shared prosperity and a host of other initiatives. A privilege and an advantage of incumbency. Like all governments, PH will be judged on deliverables.