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Why Adenan banning outside politicians might be good for Sarawak

Sunset on the Kuching waterfront exudes an unusual serenity.

As the sun dips next to the State Legislative building, the heart of the state administration, the modern structure which stands imposingly between the colonial-era Fort Margherita and Brooke’s Astana glows briefly in its radiant shine.

The sidewalk along the river is filled with people. There are young lovers walking about. Children play with giant soap bubbles while a few buskers start tuning their musical instruments.

There is hardly a sign of a looming election.

At the quaint eateries that line the waterfront, small congregations of people are having their dinner, engaged in quiet conversation as the great Sarawak River slowly ebbs by. The mood is quiescent, like a café in Europe, except that the river is wider and browner, the temperature a little hotter, thanks to El Nino which is making its presence felt in the state.

It would not be hard to imagine talk at these tables would revolve around how Selangor Menteri Besar Azmin Ali and Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng had been asked to leave Sarawak before Election Day.

Hundreds of kilometres away, across the South China Sea, the Orang Malaya struggle to understand how a chief minister like Tan Sri Adenan Satem, the Apai Besar of Sarawak can seemingly at his whim, block the arrival of a MyKad-bearing Malaysian, and two heads of state at that.

To them, blocking these politicians appear undemocratic, almost dictatorial. On the NST Facebook page, an upset reader posted: “Is he a Malaysian Nazi. This is a democratic country. Don’t make Sarawak your own land.”

“Ban this guy from entering Penang, KLIA or Subang!!,” wrote another Facebook user.

But an urbanite in Kuala Lumpur would be hard pressed to understand the intricacies of Sarawak politics. Nor would they appreciate the complex history of how the Land of the Hornbills became a part of this greater country that we call Malaysia. For long before Sarawakians called Adenan ‘Apai’, there was another ‘Apai’ that was beloved by the people of this state.

His name was Tun Jugah anak Barieng. He was better known as just Temenggong Jugah. An Iban chief more known in Malaya for his haircut than his politics, he played a fundamental role in bringing Sarawak into the folds of Malaysia. An illiterate man, on 1963, he put his thumb print on the Malaysia Agreement, and in one swift move, Sarawak was merged into the union of Malaysia.

This Apai, unlike the current one who is known for his love of books, could not read nor write, but he was no fool. Realising the enormity of the task and his precarious position, he made a statement, simple as it was – a quotation that has since been etched in Sarawak’s consciousness.

“Anang aja Malaysia tu baka tebu, manis di pun, tabar di ujung." (Let's hope that Malaysia will not end up like sugarcane, sweet in the beginning, but bland in the end).

Sarawakians remember this quote till today.

There are 40 sub ethnic groups in Sarawak, each with their distinct culture and languages, more than all the various types of people in the Peninsula combined.

Before Jugah signed the agreement, in 1962, a commission was formed to seek their views about joining Malaysia. The Cobbold Commission set out to understand the secrets of Borneo’s heart.

They trekked the dense jungle of the interiors. They met the Ibans in Kapit on the banks of the mighty Rajang river and the Melanau - who were among the earliest settlers of Sarawak - they met eye-to-eye with the proud Bidayuh, the Kenyah and the Kayan.

Numerous tribes sat with Lord Cobbold's band of men, and through interpreters they conveyed the wishes of their people. In the end, it was decided that the majority of them shared the dream of forming Malaysia.

But there were some issues that needed to be ironed out. The Cobbold Commission had also uncovered other details of the state of affairs in Sarawak.

The people were in a sorry state, and lagged behind in many ways compared to Malaya.

This could be seen in terms of education. Out of 492,000 of the population aged 10 years and above, 367,900 were illiterate. The native chiefs in their wisdom knew that by joining this union, they would open the floodgates to strangers who were better equipped to profit from this new order. Their own people could be left behind, and so they sought special privileges, similar to what the Malays already enjoyed in Malaya.

During negotiations, an 18-point agreement was drawn proposing the terms of the incorporation into Sarawak. In the agreement, it was stated that control over immigration into Sarawak should also require the approval of the State Government, aside from Federal approval. The Federal government should not be able to veto the entry of persons into the state except strictly on security grounds. Both Sabah and Sarawak should have exclusive control over entry of individuals except for those employed by the Federal.

Other safeguards drawn up included safeguards for special interests related to “matters as religious freedom, education, representation in the Federal Parliament, the position of the indigenous races, control over immigration, citizenship and the state constitutions.”

These and more were enshrined in the Malaysia Agreement 1963, the very document that Tun Jugah sealed with his thumb.

Far from being the autocrat that some Orang Malaya deem him to be, it is only when you start to walk the streets of the city and talk to her people that you realise, that Adenan is instead a populist.

“Sarawak for Sarawakians” was once a battle cry used by Sarawak’s earlier sons. It still lives today. It has since changed form and now means different things to different people. But it still lives within the heart and mind of every Sarawakian - a sure sense of their identity.

It is not arrogance, but it is a sureness and confidence of where they stand in the grander scheme of things in this country.

Over the years, there is a belief among the sons and daughters of Sarawak that they have lost their way from the path set by their forefathers.

Circumstances changed and the stars would align in such a way that their long-held dreams would be realised with the rise of a new chief minister. In just two short years, Sarawakians have fully embraced Adenan and his politics.

In recent letter to the NST, Michael Kulow from Bau, Kuching wrote: “There is no doubt in anyone’s mind that Adenan has done an excellent job — from preserving the peace and harmony, winning greater autonomy powers from the Federal Government, increasing investments, reducing electricity rates, reducing or abolishing assessment rates, implementing development projects, preserving the environment and checking illegal timber-felling, reducing ferry rates, completely abolishing all highway tolls... the list goes on and on — that is why Sarawakians love Adenan, who has united us.”

Adenan has become the voice of Sarawakians. There is no question about it. Merdeka Centre delved into the numbers in January this year, calling up 815 Sarawakians to gauge their thoughts on Adenan.

Their findings were revealing. When Adenan took over as CM, approval ratings shot up from 42 per cent to 74 per cent, while dissatisfaction with the CM dwindled from 47 per cent to 13 per cent.

Today, Adenan has an 81 per cent approval rating, with only 10 per cent of Sarawakians dissatisfied with his leadership. When you walk the streets of Kuching and talk to her people, you realise that the soul of Sarawak differs significantly from that of the Semenanjung.

Almost 30 per cent of marriages here are multi-cultural. Sarawak is the epitome of unity in Malaysia. Last year, Kuching was even named the first ‘City of Unity’.

What 'Orang Malaya' politicians do not understand, or perhaps have forgotten is how their divisive politics have become unpalatable to others over the course of the last few decades.

When these politicians, both opposition and coalition started to arrive at Sarawak’s front door, they carried along with them their baggage of explosive divisive rhetoric.

And Sarawak would have none of that.

Don’t underestimate the voters, said Associate Professor Dr Mohd Azizuddin Mohd Sani.

“The voters are very smart. There are so many reasons why they throw their vote for one side. Sometimes they vote for a candidate, sometimes an issue,” said the political analyst.

The opposition’s forays into Sarawak have been sporadic. Their best weapon – the Internet - does not work in many rural areas. Telecommunications in the heart of Sarawak is still rudimentary. Without 3G, or the Internet, the portals, Facebook pages and Twitter feeds that opened the minds of Malaysians to the concepts of transparency are as alien to rural dwellers today as it was in the time of Rajah Brooke.

Even if it did reach every corner of Sarawak, it would take years for it to influence enough people to change the government. So the old coalition is the old horse that is still dependable.

The coalition is best poised to bring improvement to their lives. It is unlikely that the opposition, that have a small chance of controlling the state, can bring basic amenities like water and electricity, which need large budgets, said Azizuddin.

“Development is a major issue for the people in rural areas. Only the coalition can support them in basic areas involving infrastructure.

“In the urban areas, they have the luxury of asking for democracy, because they already have these things in place. They can be idealistic, they can want something different. That is why they care about 1MDB and other national issues,” he added.

Adenan has been pushing for a greater slice of the oil and gas revenues from the Federal government, asking for 20 per cent instead of the 5 per cent Sarawak currently gets.

These and other reforms are what Sarawak absolutely needs. These are things which the opposition, which even bicker over seats, still can’t realise.

Sarawak needs a strong win and a landslide victory to ensure development.

It has been 53 years since the Land of the Hornbills joined Malaysia. The Peninsula and Sarawak are now one country, but they are still caught in two different time zones.

Some say Sarawak is 10 years behind in development; others say 20 and yet others claim 30. It is no secret that Sarawak still lags far behind the rest of the country.

From the seaside mountain of Santubong in the south, to the verdant jungles of Mulu National Park to the north, Sarawak sprawls. The constituency of Hulu Rajang alone is as big as Pahang. Vast tracts of it are still wilderness. Children cross crocodile-infested rivers to trek to rural schools. The elderly and sickly walk dozens of miles to seek medical attention.

So yes, Sarawak might benefit if Adenan Satem blocked politicians from entering the state.

It is not the right thing to do. It is fundamentally wrong by any principle of democracy or even ethics. And is simply plain wrong by any stretch of the imagination. But by rule of law, it is true.

This is not an age to play at democracy.

Sarawak needs to play catch up to the rest of Malaysia. And it needs to catch up fast, it is only fair.

Sunset on the Kuching waterfront exudes an unusual serenity. At the precise hour of dusk each day, the State Legislative building shines brilliantly, lit up by the sun. Every five years or so, Sarawak too leaps into the spotlight as the attention of Malaysia focuses on her.

Let us hope her star too will shine brightly.

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